Jacob Zuma, a former South African President, is being blamed for South Africa's economic downfall. A mob in Durban, South Africa, has protested against Zuma, accusing him of corruption. The Zondo Commission, established in 2018, investigated allegations of state capture, corruption, and fraud in the public sector. The commission found that Eskom, a state-owned energy company, entered into irregular contracts worth R14.7 billion with entities linked to the Gupta family, Zuma's friends. This led to the diversion of Eskom's assets to the Guptas' financial advantage. The commission also found that key loyalists to Zuma and his party were placed in top positions at state-owned enterprises and law enforcement, while competent, honest officials were marginalised or fired. The result was the erosion of critical infrastructural enterprises like Eskom, Transnet, Prasa, and South African Airways. Institutional decay led to a loss of experienced human capital, decline in services, unreliable electricity and water supply, erratic revenue collection, and the decline of local governments. President Ramaphosa estimates that more than R500 billion was stolen during his predecessor's administration.
ITS THE CONSTITUTION, STUPID: A QUESTION THAT NEVER NEEDED ASKING By Lawson Akhigbe
The Supreme Court’s 6–3 ruling in Trump v. Barbara successfully blocked an executive order attempting to end birthright citizenship. But the real scandal isn’t that Trump tried to delete the Fourteenth Amendment with a memo—it’s that the Court elevated this transparent stunt into an 18-month crisis by agreeing to hear it at all. You cannot amend the Constitution via an executive order or a regular congressional bill; doing so requires the grueling, historic process of Article V. Treating a foundational constitutional right as a casual negotiation opener is political vandalism from the White House, and a "romantic delusion" from a Court that gave the attack a stage. The constitutional wall stood, as it always was going to. The pity is that the judiciary treated the assault on it as a debate worth entertaining, putting the status of 255,000 children a year on trial for pure political theater.
The Cross-Carpeting Clause: A Constitutional Ornament Admiring Itself in the Mirror By Lawson Akhigbe
Godswill Akpabio There is a particular kind of Nigerian comedy that requires no jokes, only a calendar. Take a recent entry: on a Tuesday in late June, the Delta State House of Assembly solemnly declared the seat of Hon. Collins Egbetamah vacant, three months after he left the All Progressives Congress for the Nigeria Democratic …
Lifusprudence: An introduction to a judicial hitman By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu
Lifusprudence: An Introduction to a Judicial Hitman” by Chidi Anselm Odinkalu introduces “Lifusprudence” as the controversial judicial brand of Justice Peter Lifu of Nigeria’s Federal High Court. It contrasts Lifu’s predictable, politically aligned rulings — often accused of disregarding constitutional guardrails, ignoring higher court orders, and inventing convenient interpretations (e.g., the recent political parties de-registration case) — with the legacy of Nigeria’s illustrious judges. The piece portrays Lifu as a dependable “judicial hitman” for ruling party interests, framing his style as a dangerous form of clientelism masquerading as law, especially ahead of elections.
Comparing Wike To Other National Politicians
"Nyesom Wike, the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and former Governor of Rivers State, stands out in Nigerian politics as a bold, combative, and highly strategic operator. His recent dominance in PDP internal court battles—securing roughly 14 out of 15 favorable rulings in analyzed cases—has drawn attention to what the article satirically terms the 'Abuja advantage' and 'judicial hospitality': leveraging control over prime land, infrastructure projects, and judicial welfare schemes in the capital to create an environment where power, proximity, and perception intersect."

