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The tragedy is not just that the poor are fighting each other. It is that, in doing so, they are unwitting participants in a system that depends on exactly that outcome.
Farage’s latest stunt, abruptly resigning as the MP for Clacton to trigger a theatrical summer by-election is a masterpiece in the fine art of political distraction.
For fifty years, the British political establishment treated anti-immigrant sentiment like a dangerous wild beast not something to be defeated, but a political force to be appeased with legislative red meat. Now, the lion has broken out of its cage, entered politics, and is eating the establishment alive. Margaret Thatcher abolishes automatic birthright citizenship (*jus soli*), trading a centuries-old law of the land for a cold law of the blood. Successive Tory governments spent the next two decades seamlessly conflating "immigrant" with "criminal" in the public psyche. New Labour takes power but refuses to starve the beast. Instead, they introduce the *Life in the UK* test a bureaucratic hazing ritual testing applicants on trivia (like the height of the London Eye) that the Home Office minister who designed it couldn't even answer. Keir Starmer attempts to out-hawk the Right by tightening restrictions and warning against an **"island of strangers."** It backfires spectacularly, accidentally echoing Enoch Powell and alienating his base while ignoring the grand irony: the previous Prime Minister (Rishi Sunak) was the child of immigrants, and most asylum seekers come from countries Britain spent centuries colonizing. The greatest failure of modern progressive politics was refusing to make the affirmative, moral case for immigration. By constantly trying to appease the beast with slightly smaller cuts of meat, the establishment validated its hunger. Today, **Reform UK** hasn't conquered British politics; they’ve simply sat down to a feast fifty years of Westminster cowardice prepared for them. You do not defeat a lion by feeding it politely. You defeat it by refusing to feed it at all.
Daniel Trilling’s book argues that the British far right became “respectable” not through fringe activism but because mainstream institutions gradually absorbed its language and fears. Far‑right ideas about immigration, multiculturalism, and national decline seeped into politics and media until they appeared like common sense rather than extremism. The press amplified moral panic, helping harsh policies seem moderate. The book stresses that Britain is not uniquely immune to authoritarianism; its extremism often arrives in polite, establishment-friendly forms. Trilling’s analysis also resonates globally, showing how cultural anxiety and intolerance are normalised in many democracies. He is criticised for underplaying real social and economic grievances that made people receptive to these narratives. Still, the book warns that democracies erode slowly—through euphemisms, fear, and institutional cowardice.
Jacob Zuma, a former South African President, is being blamed for South Africa's economic downfall. A mob in Durban, South Africa, has protested against Zuma, accusing him of corruption. The Zondo Commission, established in 2018, investigated allegations of state capture, corruption, and fraud in the public sector. The commission found that Eskom, a state-owned energy company, entered into irregular contracts worth R14.7 billion with entities linked to the Gupta family, Zuma's friends. This led to the diversion of Eskom's assets to the Guptas' financial advantage. The commission also found that key loyalists to Zuma and his party were placed in top positions at state-owned enterprises and law enforcement, while competent, honest officials were marginalised or fired. The result was the erosion of critical infrastructural enterprises like Eskom, Transnet, Prasa, and South African Airways. Institutional decay led to a loss of experienced human capital, decline in services, unreliable electricity and water supply, erratic revenue collection, and the decline of local governments. President Ramaphosa estimates that more than R500 billion was stolen during his predecessor's administration.
Centre for Nigeria Progress 